Brexit, Donald Trump, Covid-19, Russia’s war on Ukraine, Trump 2.0: During the decade since the Paris climate agreement was signed, the debates about global warming have become both more heated and, too often, more dishonest. I witnessed this as head of Greenpeace International – working with environmental scientists and climate campaigners on the ground – and as Germany’s state secretary for climate policy and special envoy for international climate action.

The Paris agreement is one that all countries – whether fossil fuel producers, island states or the world’s wealthiest economies – negotiated and ratified in record time. It combines effective measurement and monitoring with flexibility for countries to determine and devise their own plans to confront climate change. Every five years, all governments are asked to do more. So far, and to the surprise of many, the vast majority of governments have actually done that.

To appreciate the Paris agreement’s effectiveness, consider that renewables comprised 92.5% of all new installed electricity capacity in 2024, or that 75% percent of new wind and solar PV ( photovoltaics ) now offer cheaper power than existing coal, gas and oil. All of this was unimaginable in 2015.

This acceleration of the green transition is happening under diverse political systems and economic models – proof that clean energy is not an ideological issue. Countries are embracing renewables because they work: clean energy drives growth, enhances competitiveness, reduces energy price volatility and improves quality of life.

True, the world is not on track to meet its climate targets, and the devastating effects of global warming are appearing faster than many of us anticipated. But the undeniable progress since 2015 provides reason to hope that more progress can be made.

But it is also abundantly clear the Paris agreement is facing its toughest challenges. War, conflict, and strained public finances ( partly owing to the vast costs of the pandemic ) are making governments wary. The international order built after World War II is being shaken to its foundations.

A big test for the Paris agreement is taking place this week at the United Nations General Assembly, where all countries are to present their national climate plans, a process that ends in Belém, Brazil at the UN Climate Change Conference ( COP30 ) later this year. Despite the depressing state of climate debates today, I am optimistic that the collective spirit built over the last decade is now quietly but deliberately working to consolidate and build upon the gains that have been made.

Brazilians call this mutirão, which is difficult to translate. I think of it as “coming together” to tackle a problem. As fires spread, droughts intensify, and floods wash away peoples’ homes around the world, that is what we must do.

Understandably, fossil-fuel interests – and the Trump administration – want nothing of the kind. They have not overlooked the rewiring of the global economy, and while they seem surprised and worried that it is going faster than any of them anticipated, they are not ready to accept their inevitable decline sitting on their hands. After all, the Trump administration is working fiendishly to bring back fossil fuels and to destroy not only America’s clean energy, but also foreign green competition to US coal and oil.

This makes COP30 a key moment where leaders must confirm, intensify, and accelerate their commitments to the Paris climate agreement. It means recommitting to delivering on the COP28 goals of modernizing energy systems, transitioning away from fossil fuels, and scaling up renewables. It means bringing deforestation down to zero by 2030. And it means hitting the agreed goals for climate finance. Investors need to know where to place their bets.

If each country’s national plans do not collectively keep global warming below the Paris agreement’s target of 1.5 degrees Celsius ( relative to preindustrial levels ), leaders must commit to closing the gap with a range of available means. But to achieve a just energy transition requires devising a package of specific solutions on grids, storage and homegrown renewable energy systems while remonstrating with producers and consumers of fossil fuels to accelerate the transition away from them.

Certainly, this will require a new financing mechanism so that countries can invest in forest conservation. Brazil’s Tropical Forest Forever Facility proposal could be a game changer. It will also require wealthy countries to commit to at least doubling, if not tripling, their financing for adaptation. And regional banks and the World Bank should commit to integrate resilience measures into all infrastructure projects.

This is a massive opportunity for Brazil to cement its legacy as a champion for the most vulnerable communities in all countries. Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula Da Silva can ensure he is remembered not just at home for lifting millions out of poverty but also for protecting our descendants from ecological and economic destruction.

Jennifer Morgan is a former German state secretary, special envoy for international climate action and international executive director of Greenpeace International.

Copyright: Project Syndicate